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The Sri Lankan Report

The Myth and Reality of Free Education

Photo courtesy of FLFN

Social injustice in education refers to the systemic barriers and unequal treatment that prevent individuals or groups from accessing quality learning opportunities based on factors such as income, ethnic group, social class, gender or location. As John Rawls notes in his Theory of Justice, “Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged members of society.” Applied to education, this principle highlights that inequitable access not only limits individual potential but also perpetuates broader societal disparities, making education a central social aspiration for either the reproduction or the redress of social injustice.

Sri Lanka’s education system was globally renowned for its socially just achievements relative to low national income levels. The foundations of this achievement lie in the Kannangara reforms of the 1940s, which introduced free education from kindergarten to university. The policy emphasized social equity by ensuring that children from poor and rural families would have access to the same opportunities as their urban and wealthy counterparts. This vision of equal opportunity was revolutionary in South Asia and helped Sri Lanka attain near universal literacy and high levels of gender parity. However, whether parity in other aspirations such as ethnicity, regionality and rural-urban-estate divisions, requires careful investigation.

In addition to non-fee levying policy for education, attempts to promote equity in education, particularly for students from rural and disadvantaged backgrounds, have taken multiple forms. At the tertiary level, quota systems reserve university places for students from underrepresented districts while programs such as the Mahapola scholarship provide financial assistance to academically qualified students and interest free loans enable access to private universities for those who cannot afford tuition fees. At the school level, the government implements measures such as free school meals, free uniforms, textbooks and transport allowances, aiming to reduce economic barriers that prevent children from attending school regularly. Additional initiatives include infrastructure development in rural schools, midday meal programs and targeted teacher deployment, all designed to level the playing field and ensure that socioeconomic disadvantage does not permanently restrict educational opportunities.

These interventions reflect a broader policy commitment to mitigate inequality although challenges in resource allocation, awareness and administrative efficiency continue to influence their effectiveness. Most recently, the government has pledged to send the top-performing A’Level students abroad for higher studies. These interventions collectively illustrate how social justice principles can guide policy design yet their effectiveness depends on consistent implementation, careful monitoring, and complementary measures to address persistent structural inequalities, especially as socio-economic conditions evolve such as the current shift from a predominantly free public education system to a mix of public and fee-levying private education.

Although the Kannangara reforms created a strong public education system, the education landscape has gradually shifted towards a mixed model of public and private provision. Initially, nearly all schooling and tertiary education were state funded and tuition free. Over time, limitations in public financing, growing demand for higher education and the inability of public universities to expand rapidly enough led to the growth of private providers. Today, school level education still enjoys universal access but with a shadow system of private tuition. At the tertiary level, private higher education institutions now outnumber public universities in terms of enrollment, creating new questions about equity.

One of the most striking features of the education system is the prevalence of private tuition. Although school education is officially free, parents spend heavily on after school tutoring to prepare children for competitive public. According to household surveys and common social understanding, a majority of students in grades 9-13 attend private tuition and spend exorbitantly. This phenomenon undermines the free education principle and disproportionately burdens low and middle income households. Wealthier families, meanwhile, not only afford extensive tuition but also send their children to elite international schools or overseas universities.

The demand-supply gap in university admissions is another major driver of inequity. Each year, only about 20% of students who qualify at the GCE A’Level gain entry into public universities. The rest are either absorbed by the burgeoning private tertiary sector or drop out of higher education entirely. By 2023, more students were registering in private higher education institutions than in public universities, a dramatic reversal of the Kannangara vision. This shift has allowed wealthier households to purchase higher education while poorer households remain excluded, reinforcing class divisions in educational access.

The education system maintains high enrollment at primary and secondary levels but faces sharp inequalities at higher levels. The gross enrollment rate is near 99% at secondary but falls to around 21% at tertiary. Gender parity has been achieved with women outnumbering men in universities but income disparities persist. Poorer households are more likely to experience dropout and limited access to higher education.

An Engel curve of household education spending illustrates the inequitable burden across income percentiles. The poorest households spend a very small percentage of their income on education, not due to low need but because basic survival takes priority. Middle income households spend the highest proportion, reflecting their aspirations of climbing the socio-economic ladder but also the financial strain. The richest households spend less as a percentage of income although their absolute spending is highest, enabling access to premium education and international opportunities.

Source: Household Income Expenditure Survey (2019)

This pattern has important equity implications. The poor are excluded, the middle are overburdened and the rich enjoy unconstrained access. Such dynamics undermine the egalitarian foundation of the Kannangara policy. Although education is officially free, the burden of hidden costs, tuition and private provision makes access to quality education income dependent.

The Kannangara free education policy was a landmark achievement aimed at equity and equal opportunity. While the country continues to benefit from these reforms in literacy and gender parity, the gradual commercialization of education through tuition fees and private tertiary enrollment has undermined equity. Household income now strongly shapes access to quality education, with poor families excluded and middle income families overburdened. To realign with Kannangara’s vision Sri Lanka needs, in the context of growing private education, carefully targeted policies such as loan schemes for low income students, expanded public university capacity, greater private financing for education and stronger regulation of private educational providers, all guided by a socially sensitive commitment to equity. Without such measures, access to education will remain – and may even worsen – as stratified by income, contrary to the original promise of free education.

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Adrift Examines the Quagmire of Migration

Photo courtesy of Saskia Fernando Gallery

Anushiya Sundaralingam, a Sri Lankan born artist based in Northern Ireland, presents Adrift, her first solo exhibition at Saskia Fernando Gallery, which wades through the quagmire of migration and is grounded in her personal experience of leaving her homeland during political unrest.

Sundaralingam, who is from Jaffna, migrated in the late 1980s amid the civil war. The emotional weight of the artist’s arduous journey continues to inform her practice with the recurring image of the boat serving as a metaphor for both departure and arrival. In seeking shared experiences of community and connection, her practice offers a poignant reflection on the uncertainty that shapes the lives of people across conflict zones worldwide.

“My work is deeply influenced by my surroundings and heritage, often experimenting with materials and methods to create pieces that are both visually striking and rich in meaning. This balance of innovation and tradition underpins my ongoing journey as an artist, ” says Sundaralingam.

Originally trained as a printmaker at the University of Ulster, Belfast, Sundaralingam’s practice expands to encompass mixed media, sculpture, installation, and performance art. Her work is deeply rooted in the complexities of identity, memory and displacement, reflecting her personal journey and the wider narrative of cultural transformation. She draws inspiration from her heritage and the interplay between natural and constructed environments, often blending organic and synthetic materials to explore relationships between self, place and belonging.

Currently based in Northern Ireland, the artist has participated in several international exhibitions. She is also featured in several notable collections including Queen’s University, Belfast, Arts Council of Northern Ireland, Belfast and the National College of Art, Dublin. Sundaralingam is an alumna of the University of Ulster, Belfast and Brooke’s University, Oxford.

Anushyia answered questions from Groundviews on the impact of migration and her personal journey.

How has the boat’s symbolism evolved for you personally?

For me, the boat began as a very direct reference to my journey returning home from the UK to Jaffna during the Sri Lankan civil war – a journey made under extreme duress and danger. Over time, my feelings and use of boats within my work have grown into something layered: a vessel of memory, resilience and transformation. It is not only about escape but also about carrying culture, identity and fragments of home into new places.

Does the title Adrift reflect a personal or universal feeling?

Adrift speaks to both. Personally, it represents my own journey of migration, a sense of being unanchored between two places. The name of my exhibition also captures a wider, universal experience of displacement that resonates across cultures and histories – that uncertain inbetween space where belonging is questioned.

Which piece best embodies your balance of innovation and tradition?

Boats constructed from card were created using weave influenced by Jaffna cultural practices I observed in my childhood. The pigments, drawn from Kolam patterns, symbolise the sea in a conceptual way. Together they reflect the push and pull of heritage and modern identity.

How did printmaking influence your later mixed-media work?

Printmaking taught me the importance of layering, repetition and process. Those principles became foundations for my mixed-media work where I extend my practice beyond paper into fabric, sculpture and installation. The discipline of printmaking gave me both structure and the freedom to break rules.

What material choice in Adrift represents displacement and complexity?

In my mixed media sculptures, I use medical boxes to reflect the limited access to life saving supplies my community faced during the civil war. Alongside these, I work with fragile, translucent materials that contrast with heavier, grounded elements. This interplay mirrors the complexity of migration: the vulnerability of being unsettled and the resilience required for survival.

How do you balance personal narrative with universal migration themes?

Beginning with my own story I integrate similar experiences by others to connect with those in  similar situations to my own. The work carries my personal mark  and the universal story – gestures of making, fragments of memory – and is abstracted to a certain degree so others can find themselves in it. The balance comes from leaving space for shared interpretation.

Could you describe the creative process for your performance piece?

I begin by connecting with the audience, offering each person a small boat and then a word, inviting them to reflect on their own life journey alongside mine. I bring in gestures of movement – carrying, leaving and searching – while drawing on themes of the sea, boats and words to tell a story that is deeply personal yet also universal. Improvisation and repetition are central, allowing moments of vulnerability and resilience to emerge in real time.

How has your heritage influenced your Western artistic representation?

My art comes from my Sri Lankan background and where I live now in Belfast. The subjects, colours and textures of my work, become points of dialogue as intertwining threads.

How does the interplay of environments manifest in Adrift artworks?

Adrift brings the sea and the land into the same visual field. The fluidity of line and fabric suggests water and movement while solid structures hint at grounding and settlement. The works shift between openness and containment, echoing the tension of belonging to more than one environment.

What do you want visitors to the gallery to leave feeling?

I hope they leave with a sense of both empathy and reflection. Migration is not abstract – it is lived, felt, embodied. I want them to feel the fragility and strength within displacement and perhaps recognise echoes of their own journeys whether across seas or within themselves.

Adrift will be on view at SFG 138 Galle Road, Colombo 3 from September 12 to October 10.

The post Adrift Examines the Quagmire of Migration first appeared on Groundviews.

Source: https://groundviews.org/2025/09/25/adrift-examines-the-quagmire-of-migration/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=adrift-examines-the-quagmire-of-migration

Shaping a Better Sri Lanka: A Dialogue with Pitasanna Shanmugathas and Kagusthan Ariaratnam

Photo courtesy of Constitutionnet

In a Groundviews podcast episode, host Kagusthan Ariaratnam and Canadian scholar Pitisanna Shanmugathas, discuss Sri Lanka’s turbulent history and the life of legal expert Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam. The conversation, spurred by Sanmugadas’s documentary, Neelan Unsilenced, examines a pivotal yet failed attempt at constitutional reform and its lasting relevance.

Ariaratnam, a former child soldier for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), shares his personal journey of becoming a double agent for India and later defecting to the military. He recounts working with the military from 1995 to 2009 under a promise of a political solution for Tamil grievances, a promise that was ultimately unfulfilled. This broken promise sets the stage for the central topic of the podcast: Dr. Tiruchelvam’s role in drafting the Union of Regions proposals under the government of President Chandrika Kumaratunga.

Shanmugathas explains that Dr. Tiruchelvam’s proposals were a monumental effort to move Sri Lanka away from its unitary state model, where power is centralised and can be unilaterally taken away from regional provinces. This political structure was seen as incompatible with the Tamil community’s needs and had led to decades of discriminatory policies and violence, including the 1983 Black July pogrom and the burning of the Jaffna library.

The Union of Regions sought to create a true federal system with meaningful devolution of power, particularly concerning land, finance and policing. It included built in checks and balances to prevent the central government from revoking these powers. Despite being the boldest and most progressive constitutional reform ever proposed in Sri Lanka, the proposals ultimately failed. Shanmugathas attributes this failure to a lack of a two-thirds majority in parliament and the opposition’s unwillingness to give the Kumaratunga government political credit. The LTTE also broke the ceasefire, further complicating efforts.

The podcast highlights the urgency of the documentary’s release as the new government led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has a super majority and a political platform that mirrors many of Dr. Tiruchelvam’s original ideas, including abolishing the executive presidency and devolving power. Shanmugathas hopes the film will educate the public on the flaws of the current unitary state and reframe Dr. Tiruchelvam’s legacy for a younger generation.

He argues that a federal solution is the only viable path, asserting that any ethno-nationalist state where one group is supreme over another is inherently dysfunctional. Dr. Tiruchelvam’s commitment to federalism and a united Sri Lanka rather than a separate state ultimately cost him his life. Shanmugathas concludes that his vision remains a crucial blueprint for peace and pluralism, not just for Tamils but for all communities. The documentary aims to serve as an educational tool to promote understanding and encourage current leaders to act on their promises for a more inclusive constitution.

 

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Technology and Culture: The Agents of Social Transformation

Photo courtesy of Dialog

Standing at Colombo Fort Railway Station watching morning trains depart for Kandy, Badulla, Galle and Jaffna, it’s easy to forget how the railways represent one of Sri Lanka’s most profound transformations. In 1858, when the first locomotive steamed from Colombo to Ambepussa, it didn’t just move people faster; it fundamentally altered the boundaries of what people knew to be physically possible. A journey from Colombo to Kandy that once took 12 days by bullock cart could suddenly be completed in hours.

The railway was not merely a new technological phenomenon because it didn’t merely transform what was possible. It changed what Sri Lankans could imagine about their country, their relationships with distant communities and their place in a connected world. This illustrates a crucial distinction for navigating today’s rapid changes – the difference between technology as that which changes what is physically possible and culture as that which changes what is imaginable.

Understanding how these twin engines of social transformation interact, where their boundaries lie and when they reinforce or conflict is essential for guiding the post aragalaya transformative agenda. In our current moment of economic recovery and political renewal, getting this balance right could determine whether we achieve genuine innovation or engage in a costly renovation of an existing mess with borrowed ideas.

The physical and the imaginable

Let’s really delve into what culture and technology really mean, how they interact and also how they are two sides of the same coin that drives social and economic change. Let’s take the mobile phone. When Dialog introduced GSM services in 1995, it created new physical possibilities – instant voice communication, text messaging and eventually internet access. The technological capability made it possible for a wealthy few who could afford expensive handsets and costly call rates to make and receive calls mostly from their workplaces and bosses even during their time off. It wasn’t as much a practical convenience as it was a burden but no one rejected it because of its cultural benefits. The exclusivity of mobile phone ownership and use made it a status symbol that announced to the world that you were an important person.

The social scale transformation didn’t begin until the 2000s when competition and improved technology made mobile phones affordable for ordinary Sri Lankans. Again, what drove the innovations wasn’t the technology itself but the way it transformed what people imagined would become possible. It was only when fishermen in Negombo imagined being able to check market prices in real time or a parent in the Middle East realised they could more easily speak with their children and trishaw owners realised they could connect with loyal clients more easily to get more hires that the masses began buying and using mobile phones.

There is a crucial insight here that we shouldn’t miss. Technological change often drives cultural change because they either change the boundaries of people’s imagination or aspirations by shifting what they value and desire. The same GSM network that existed in 1995 had radically different cultural impacts when it was an exclusive toy of the rich and powerful and when they became truly accessible a decade later.

Technology encompasses all human innovations that expand what we can physically accomplish from the wheel to smartphones from irrigation to artificial intelligence. Culture operates in the realm of meaning, values, and imagination, determining not just how we use technologies but what we can conceive as possible, desirable or necessary.

The printing press offers another illustration, revealing why information and communication technologies have disproportionate transformative power. Gutenberg’s innovation dramatically reduced the cost per page while enabling higher volumes of information storage and transmission. But the cultural transformation was more revolutionary and this highlights a crucial pattern. Information and communication technologies amplify their own impact by transforming how knowledge, ideas and cultural practices spread throughout society. They are meta-technologies that enable countless other changes by changing how societies think, learn and coordinate collective action.

Where the boundaries blur

The real world is messier than clean definitional boundaries suggest. A good example of that is the unified bus timetable recently introduced in many parts of Sri Lanka – a coordination system requiring private and state-owned buses to operate according to common schedules rather than chaotic competition.

This organizational innovation represents both technological and cultural transformation. The technological aspect involves GPS tracking, digital scheduling and coordination platforms. But the cultural dimension may be far more profound. For decades, our buses operated purely on market forces, competitive chaos where drivers raced for passengers, creating dangerous driving, poor maintenance and traffic problems.

The unified timetable demands different cultural approaches: drivers must value schedule adherence over passenger competition; passengers must adapt to fixed departure times; and urban rhythms must shift toward predictable patterns. These transportation changes could cascade into broader cultural shifts with greater emphasis on punctuality, increased expectation of orderly conduct and enhanced trust in institutional coordination.

The unified bus timetable will provide us an opportunity to witness in real time, how technological and operational improvements can reshape urban life’s tempo and rhythms with cultural implications extending far beyond transportation.

Historical lessons

The most successful transformations occur when technological capabilities and cultural values reinforce each other. Sri Lanka’s history offers compelling examples of both alignment between culture and technology as well as catastrophic misalignment.

Think about the transformation that the ancient irrigation systems would have had on our society for thousands of years. Massive tanks and canals that made Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa civilizations possible represented extraordinary technological achievements, but succeeded because they aligned with Buddhist cultural values emphasizing collective merit, royal responsibility for public welfare and harmonious relationships with nature. They required a cultural framework of dana and shramadana to organize society in ways that were necessary for renovating and maintaining their complex systems across centuries.

Now contrast that with colonial tea plantations. The technological capabilities that enabled those tea plantations were far more impressive. They required efficient processing machinery and railway transport but their cultural impact devastated local communities through land appropriation, imported labor creating ethnic tensions and transformation of self-sufficient communities into dependent wage laborers. This technology-culture misalignment created problems we still struggle with such as landless populations, ethnic divisions and the imbalance created by export dependency in the agricultural sector while we face significant challenges in our subsistence system in ensuring our food security as a country.

The post-independence Green Revolution offers a more positive example. High yield rice varieties and chemical fertilizers dramatically increased food production, succeeding because they aligned with existing cultural emphasis on rice cultivation, strong agricultural extension services, Buddhist values supporting innovations promising collective benefit and a real need of subsistence.

When technologies fail

The Northern railway provides a stark example that would help us understand how technology can fail. It is perhaps of critical importance in an age where we seem too quick or driven by intuition to place too much faith and emphasis and investment in technology for its own sake. Completed in 1905, this engineering marvel connected Jaffna to the rest of the island for 85 years. But technological infrastructure cannot survive sustained cultural-political conflict. Ethnic tensions that exploded into civil war made the railway a strategic target, leading to complete destruction by 1990, not through technical failure but through breakdown of the cultural-political framework that supported it.

What this demonstrates is that technology always exists within a cultural context. The most advanced infrastructure will become vulnerable or a vulnerability if either the cultural consensus supporting it or the foundations they are built upon breaks down.

Contemporary challenges

Today’s digital technologies present new forms of the age-old interaction between technology and culture. Rapid smartphone and social media spread has created unprecedented communication and economic possibilities but also new inequalities and social tensions.

Social media illustrates this duality. The same platforms enabling beautiful cultural exchanges, social connection and interaction can also spread hate speech and organized communal violence. The technology is neutral. What determines their impact is the cultural context in which they are used. This is why technological solutions alone cannot solve problems rooted in deeper cultural divisions.

The digital divide on the other hand is neither a purely technological nor cultural issue but a result of a multitude of factors ranging from language barriers, educational gaps, gender restrictions and economic constraints. These limitations that result in the unequal or unfair terms of access to technology can in turn create cultural inequalities as much as technological ones.

Strategic alignment

Given these complex interactions, how can we align technology and culture for positive social transformation?

Perhaps a good place to start would be with cultural assets, not problems. Successful innovations in technology will likely be those that understand our culture and build on its existing strengths rather than either exploiting its weaknesses or viewing culture as a constraint. For example, some of the foundational requirements for improving access to, adoption and usage of technology would be to lower the language barriers both from the dominant English to accommodating both Sinhala and Tamil only users as well as between Sinhala and Tamil users.

We must also take care in sequence changes thoughtfully. Abrupt technological disruption can provoke cultural backlash while gradual introduction allows adaptation.

Investing in cultural bridge building will likely have better payoffs than technological flooding. Successful adoption occurs when cultural leaders such as teachers, religious figures, community elders and politicians become advocates through genuine consultation and participation. Developing solutions in isolation, deploying them before proving their effectiveness in diverse settings through a broad and inclusive pilot program and merely running post-implementation awareness campaigns will likely create opponents rather than allies.

Design for cultural diversity. Sri Lanka’s linguistic, religious and regional diversity is a strength. Technology initiatives working in Sinhala, Tamil and English respecting different religious sensitivities and accommodating urban and rural contexts will succeed over one size fits all approaches.

Most importantly, think through the cultural consequences not just about operational benefits. While the bus timetable shows how innovations can strengthen social coordination, we must recognize that some technologies despite improving efficiency may atomize populations or weaken social bonds sustained by reciprocity and interdependence. Strategic adoption should not be the metric by which we measure innovation and technological advancement but rather by the overall social good they are able to generate and sustain. This will require a mindset that prompts us to ask not just “Does this work?” but “What kind of society does this create?”

Technology, culture and the future

As Sri Lanka emerges from our worst economic crisis, we face unprecedented opportunities to reshape our society but that requires a deeper understanding of two of the most important drivers of social change: technology, culture and the spiral of interactions between them. The cultural transformation created by the aragalaya and the political transformation reflected in 2024 election results creates space for new development approaches.

But transformation requires understanding that technological solutions and cultural change must work together. Building smart cities is pointless without addressing cultural factors driving rural-urban migration. Promoting digital entrepreneurship won’t succeed without cultural support for innovation and risk taking. Expanding renewable energy requires cultural shifts in consumption patterns alongside technical infrastructure.

If we treat technology and culture as separate domains, it will most certainly lead to misalignments that have plagued our development for decades and caused greater nations than ours to fail or collapse. If we can understand them however and guide technological innovation and adoption in step with our cultural evolution, we will be able to create virtuous cycles where technological capabilities and cultural wisdom will reinforce each other in building a more prosperous, equitable and harmonious country.

Perhaps the most crucial insight we can gain from understanding the role of technology and culture in driving social change and transformation is that our education system is the cradle that nourishes both cultural as well as technological progress. In fact, our capacity for technological and cultural progress as well as our ability to choreograph the dance between them is a lagging indicator of the strengths and weaknesses of our education system. Even if we are able to achieve significant advances or attract investments in technology, we must also critically examine whether we have an education system that is strong enough to sustain it and provide the cultural scaffolding to support it.

There is still more ground to cover before we can arrive at a meaningful juncture for a deep and meaningful conversation about the educational reforms that we need to make in order to ensure we build a society that can not only guide the technological and cultural transformations to come but one that can particularly withstand the technological shocks that will surely come from without as well as within. In our next exploration, we will examine how nations worldwide are navigated this challenge, or not, to learn from others’ experiences and look for opportunities that others may have missed. The concept of leapfrogging – using technological advancement to bypass costly developmental stages – offers particular promise for countries like ours. But successful leapfrogging requires as much cultural preparation as technological capability.

The train is leaving the station. The question is whether we will be ready to board it together.

This article is the first in a three part series exploring technology, culture and social transformation.

The post Technology and Culture: The Agents of Social Transformation first appeared on Groundviews.

Source: https://groundviews.org/2025/09/23/technology-and-culture-the-agents-of-social-transformation/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=technology-and-culture-the-agents-of-social-transformation

Estate Workers’ Wages: Forever Promised, Never Delivered

Photo courtesy of Sri Lanka Brief

The NPP government has been in power for a year and it is nearing two years since the release of the Hatton Declaration, a document that pledged to address the fundamental issues faced by the Malaiyaha community.

Before the election, the NPP promised a daily wage of Rs. 2,000 for plantation workers. Later, during the presentation of the 2025 Budget, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake announced that the government would intervene to ensure a wage of Rs. 1,700.

However, many months have passed since that announcement and the government has yet to deliver on this promise. For the Malaiyaha people, who continue to live under severe economic hardship, the NPP’s inaction has been deeply disappointing rather than a cause for celebration.

On September 9, a meeting was convened at the Ministry of Plantation and Community Infrastructure between plantation management and ministry officials to discuss securing the Rs. 1,700 wage. However, the outcome offered little solace to the workers. Addressing a press conference after the meeting, Deputy Minister Sundaralingam Pradeep said sector stakeholders had pointed to the drop in global tea prices, the lack of a fair price for their product, high production costs and the expenses of providing worker welfare. “They did not say they cannot grant a wage increase but they emphasized the challenges that prevent them from doing so,” he said. Plantation companies said that the government had agreed to link wages to production. “The Government has agreed to a production-based wage model and has requested us to submit a plan. We will present it next week, and we are working on a proposal that would allow workers to earn more,” company representatives said. Deputy Minister Sundaralingam Pradeep said that another round of discussions would be held in a month, adding that the government would take steps to raise the daily wage of estate workers to Rs. 1,700 as pledged.

Hunger spreads in plantations

The UNHRC, citing reports from the World Food Programme, has revealed that 16 percent of Sri Lankan families lack access to adequate and nutritious food. Female-headed households are among the most vulnerable with more than half of families forced to cope with hunger by cutting down on meals, reducing portion sizes or giving up preferred foods, according to WFP data.

As a result, one in four families now eats fewer meals and the rate of undernutrition among children under five has worsened, rising from 12.2 percent in 2021 to 17 percent in 2024 due to insufficient weight gain. The High Commissioner’s Office also reported that the country’s prolonged economic crisis has doubled the poverty rate with food insecurity pushing poverty levels to 24.5 percent between 2021 and 2024.

Among the hardest hit are the Malaiyaha Tamil plantation workers who were already struggling with deep poverty. The report warns that the ongoing economic crisis and mounting debt burden have left this community disproportionately vulnerable. In such an environment, the failure to increase wages for plantation workers will only intensify their hardships, further entrenching hunger and malnutrition.

After years of struggle by workers and unions, a gazette notification was finally issued by the Department of Labour on August 13, 2024 during the administration of President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The notification set the minimum daily wage for tea and rubber plantation workers at Rs. 1,350, with an additional Rs. 350 as a productivity incentive, raising the total to Rs. 1,700 per day.

The Labour Tribunal, convened on June 8, 2024 by the Red Flag Organization, has submitted its recommendations on the pressing problems faced by workers. The evidence presented by plantation workers was described as heart breaking. The three member bench, visibly moved by the testimonies, concluded that the central issue confronting workers is the daily wage, which they said had increased far too slowly and even when raised has not been fully passed on to workers.

In its recommendations, the tribunal declared that estate workers are entitled to a minimum daily wage of Rs. 1,700 and urged that all public and private stakeholders take immediate steps to implement it without delay. It further recommended that the government appoint a special committee, comprising estate employers, women workers and experts in the field, to review the current economic conditions and cost of living of estate workers in order to determine a fair and sustainable wage structure.

Plantation companies remain reluctant to increase workers’ wages. Since colonial times, estate owners have treated the Malaiyaha community, brought to Sri Lanka as semi-slave laborers, with indifference and exploitation – a practice that continues to this day. Employers argue that raising wages would push up the production costs of tea and rubber, which they claim cannot be absorbed in light of declining global demand and fluctuating prices.

The numbers tell a different story. According to Asia Pacific’s analysis of customs data, Sri Lanka’s tea exports rose to 23 million kilograms by June 2025, an 11 percent increase compared to the first half of the previous year. Export earnings for the first six months of 2025 reached $743 million, the highest revenue for this period since 2014 when 157 million kilograms of tea exports earned about $805 million. A particularly striking trend is the growth in packaged tea exports, which now account for 46 percent of total exports, up from 39 percent the previous year.

According to the Central Bank, export revenues from key plantation crops continue to climb even as workers’ wages remain stagnant. Coconut exports earned $155 million in the first quarter of 2025, compared to $125.6 million in the same period last year. Tea export income rose by 6.2 percent to $478.3 million. Rubber exports recorded the most dramatic jump, increasing by 37.8 percent to $11.2 million.

When looking at specific markets, Iraq emerged as the largest importer of tea, with purchases rising 28 percent to 18.7 million kilograms. Libya showed the most dramatic surge with imports climbing from 3 million kilograms to 11.4 million kilograms, a record 280 percent increase.

By contrast, Russia, traditionally Sri Lanka’s top tea market, saw a decline in imports dropping from 13 million kilograms to 11.2 million kilograms due to the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict.

These figures suggest that the plantation companies’ reluctance to pay the proposed wages of workers stems not from profit-loss realities but from a deeply ingrained attitudinal problem. For over two centuries, the Malaiyahas have remained trapped in conditions reminiscent of the British colonial era, where their labor  was exploited without regard for dignity or equity.

In fact, labor struggles against the importation of workers from India to Sri Lanka and Malaysia pressured both the British colonial rulers and the plantation owners to respond. Under this pressure, the Indian government announced on January 20, 1921 that it would ban the recruitment of workers for Sri Lanka’s plantations.

This decision eventually led to the appointment of a committee in 1925 tasked with investigating plantation wages. The committee was chaired by S. Renganathan, India’s representative in Sri Lanka, and included Director of Census and Statistics, L.J.B. Turner. On Renganathan’s advice, a report was prepared analysing the daily living expenses of plantation workers, categorized by three regions: upcountry, mid country and low country.

From this study emerged the Minimum Wages Ordinance of 1927, a landmark law that faced fierce resistance from plantation owners. Even then, it took two additional years before the Act was finally enforced.

Plantation workers and the trade union movement

From the beginning, plantation workers were marginalized in the trade union movement. In the early 20th century, estate workers’ wages were negotiated between three actors: the employers, the government and the workers. Workers were formally represented by the Kankani system, an intermediary structure in which Kanganis acted as labor supervisors and wage distributors. However, while workers received their wages, much of it was often funneled back through the Kanganis, leaving laborers trapped in cycles of exploitation and debt.

By 1920–1921, some estate staff and Kanganis temporarily aligned with workers but plantation laborers still lacked true representation. The mainstream trade union leadership, dominated by A.E. Gunasinghe, focused primarily on the urban working class. Gunasinghe, who became known as the father of the labor movement, paid little attention to the plight of plantation workers whose conditions were far harsher.

For the first time, plantation workers were nominally included when a deputy chairman of Gunasinghe’s Ceylon Labour Union came from among their ranks. However, this limited representation was not born out of genuine solidarity; it was largely tied to the political opposition to migrant labor practices rather than to improving the actual living and working conditions of estate workers.

The trade union movement led by Natesa Iyer became a major challenge for estate owners who thrived on maintaining a semi-slavery system. To protect their interests, elaborate plans were put in place to remove Iyer’s influence from the estate sector.

Later, when the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) gained traction among plantation workers, the movement faced another setback with the banning of the party, which crushed its organizing strength in the estates. Even when the LSSP re-emerged and entered the ruling coalition in 1970, it further weakened its credibility by opposing plantation workers’ struggles, thereby eroding its own trade union power.

Meanwhile, the Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC) from its inception functioned largely in line with the interests of the estate owners. Instead of representing the genuine struggles of workers, the CWC often worked to contain them. To this day, it continues to stand more firmly with employers than with the workers it claims to represent.

Tripartite collective agreements and the role of Thondaman

In 1997, under the government of President Chandrika Kumaratunga, a tripartite collective agreement was introduced to determine the wages and benefits of estate workers. This agreement involved the Labour Commissioner, employers  and trade unions.

The main trade union representing estate workers at the time was the Lanka National Estate Workers Union, affiliated with the UNP and historically influenced by the CWC. Other estate trade unions also participated jointly in the agreement. Although the NPP achieved a significant victory in recent elections in the hill country defeating the CWC the influence of traditional unions has remained largely intact.

These trade unions have consistently acted in favor of the plantation companies when determining wages and other rights of estate workers through collective agreements. Historically Soumyamurthy Thondaman, the long-time leader of the CWC in the plantation sector and later his successor Arumugam Thondaman, signed such agreements in ways that largely protected the interests of the employers rather than the workers.

When the Wage Control Board recommended an increase in estate workers’ wages, the plantation companies challenged the decision in court, resulting in the annulment of these collective agreements.

A significant milestone in the history of estate workers occurred on October 24, 2018 when a protest was organized at Galle Face demanding higher wages for plantation workers. Notably, this protest was led by the children of Malaiyahas who had migrated from estates to the capital city and taken up other jobs, without any involvement from traditional plantation trade unions. Despite the peaceful nature of the demonstration, the police responded with tear gas and batons.

The battle to increase the daily wage to Rs. 1,000 lasted over three months. Ultimately, the resulting collective agreements favored estate owners, with participation from the UNP and CWC, and tacit approval from the Tamil Progressive Alliance. Meanwhile, trade unions representing left wing parties and smaller unions opposed these agreements, highlighting the divide within the labor movement.

Even after the decline of traditional political parties in the plantation sector and the rise of the JVP, the wages of plantation workers remain insufficient. While workers remain hopeful for change, the proposed Rs. 1,700 daily wage still falls short of meeting the current cost of living, leaving many families struggling.

The proposed Rs. 1,700 daily wage was set several years ago but a fair and livable wage must reflect the current cost of living. Regardless of the plantation companies’ stance, the decision ultimately rests with the government. Since collective agreements tend to favor the companies and traditional trade unions do not fully represent workers’ interests, immediate action from the Wage Control Councils is essential. If this delay continues, the cold mountains of the estates may soon erupt with renewed worker protests and struggles.

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A Chequered Year

Photo courtesy of WSWS

“Democracy faces a perfect storm of autocratic resurgence… To fight back, democracies need to protect key elements of democracy, like elections and the rule of law, but also profoundly reform government so that it delivers fairness, inclusion, and shared prosperity.” Kevin Casas-Zamora, International Institute of Democracy and Electoral Assistance (Guardian- 11.9.2025) 

The JVP’s inimitable general secretary Tilvin Silva was generally the final speaker at the NPP’s main presidential election campaign rallies. And he would always end his speech with a poem from the JVP’s past. The words were an emotive appeal to “rag-clad masses” with “stomachs burning from hunger and hearts burning from grief,” exhorting them to rise up, rise up, your turn has come.

Those combative words suited the times. By September 2024, almost a quarter of Sri Lankans were living in poverty and more than half the population (55.7%) multi-dimensionally vulnerable. In 2023, there had been a million+ electricity disconnections. The removal of electricity subsidy alone had increased poverty by 1.9% and contributed to a 5% decrease in disposable income of the poorest tenth of Sri Lankans, according to World Bank figures.

By September 2024, Ranil Wickremesinghe had managed to stand on its feet the economy Gotabaya Sulanga (Gotabaya Wind) had upended. The economy started marking positive growth in the last two quarters of 2023 and reached an astounding 5.3% growth rate in the first quarter of 2024. But this improvement didn’t bring much benefit to the poorer half of Sri Lankans. Aswesuma and Urumaya were steps in the right direction but woefully inadequate to contain the flash flood of povertisation Gotabaya Sulanga had unleashed and the first year of belt tightening worsened.

Year Poverty % (at $4.2 a day) Gini-coefficient
2019 11.3 37.7
2020 12.7 40
2021 13.4 40.1
2022 23.1 40.4
2023 27.5 NA

(Source – World Bank – Sri Lanka Public Finance Review 2025 – Towards a Balanced Fiscal Adjustment)

The task was to maintain this growth path while shifting the burden of recovery from the poor and the vulnerable to those more economically able to shoulder it. And 42% of Sri Lankans thought that Anura Kumara Dissanayake could be better trusted to alleviate the poverty and affordability crises than incumbent Ranil Wickremesinghe, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa or Rajapaksa scion Namal.

In September 2024, many Sri Lankans – including this writer – feared that a Dissanayake presidency would bring forth a JVP Sulanga, resulting in a Gotabaya 201. One year on, that fear has proven to be groundless. President Dissanayake and his government have managed to keep Sri Lanka on the growth path. True, he and his party pretend that the righting of the economy was all their own work. That’s hardly a cardinal sin since a President Sajith Premadasa or a President Namal Rajapaksa would not have been more truthful.

However, the first year of Dissanayake Presidency has brought little relief to the hungry masses Tilvin Silva addressed in his rousing campaign finale. According to the World Bank, “The fiscal adjustment has also disproportionately impacted the poor, who continue to grapple with job and income losses… Food prices remain more than double their pre-crisis levels and real wages are yet to recover. In response…many households have scaled back spending on human capital, particularly on nutrition, healthcare, and education”. Life may not be as hard as it was in 2022 or 2023 but the hope of a more affordable world has begun to erode as the NPP/JVP’s massive vote loss at the 2025 Local Government polls demonstrates.

Home 

Caution was the dominant tempo of the first Dissanayake year, a conscious determination to avoid fast runs and great leaps. On the economy and on contentious areas like constitution making, this caution is comprehensible. But there were other, less fractious, issues and promises the administration could have addressed and didn’t – a failure that might have contributed to its May 2025 lacklustre performance.

Failures such as reforming or scrapping the repressive Online Safety Act can be explained by a fact of political life most political parties champion democracy while in opposition but rarely follow through when in government. But less comprehensible is the tardiness in removing the grotesques giveaways successive presidents had presented themselves with. It was only in June 2025, the cabinet asked the legal draughtsman to prepare a bill for the removal of presidential privileges. Thus it is possible to surmise that had it not been for the electoral drubbing the government received in May 2025, Mahinda Rajapaksa would still be enjoying the services of 26 electricians, 16 chefs, four civil engineers, four technical engineers, three personal trainers, one carpenter, one dog minder et al and Gotabaya Rajapaksa eight chefs, one personal trainer, one dog minder et al, at our expense. In fairness, it must also be said that no other government would have scrapped presidential privileges, even tardily.

The removal of presidential privileges could have been achieved within the first four months of Dissanayake presidency since the Chitrasiri report was handed to the president in early December (It was never made public like so many other presidential commission reports, including non-controversial ones like the report on Roshain Chanaka, the 22-year-old FTZ worker killed in June 2011 while protesting against a Rajapaksa attempt to impose an extractive pension scheme on private sector employees). Hopefully, the promise to slash the perks and privileges of current and former parliamentarians too would be implemented soon. The asset declarations of parliamentarians on both sides of the aisle demonstrate that almost none of them need a lifetime pension!

Perhaps the tardiness in removing perks and privileges of the political class was due to sheer incompetence (a signature characteristic of this administration). Perhaps too it was due to pushback by deeply entrenched vested interests. So far, the government’s record in taking on such vested interests is not encouraging. It makes public threats, but fails to take practical measures to follow through, the clash with rice milling oligopoly being a case in point. This inability bodes ill for the future, for the government can address poverty and affordability crises only if it is willing and able to confront entrenched political interests, without and within.

As the second year of the Dissanayake presidency dawns, the government is faced with its own affordability crisis – how to fulfil its economic promises without increasing the budget deficit exponentially and while remaining within the borrowing limit it has set itself. As the 2026 Appropriations Bill demonstrates, the government has closed off the obvious path to fiscal viability, a rational fact-based reduction of military expenditure. The only other way to deal with the poverty and affordability crises without triggering a macro-economic meltdown is to increase direct taxes and reduce indirect taxes. On the advisability, indeed the desirability, of this path, there is a broad consensus, ranging from the Bretton Wood Twins to local experts.

The IMF has made a wealth tax and an inheritance tax a part of its conditionalities. Sri Lanka was supposed to introduce both taxes in 2023; President Wickremesinghe bought time till 2024. Dissanayake government has gone mute on the issue, strangely, for direct taxes in general and wealth and inheritance taxes in particular have long been key left/progressive demands the world over.

In its latest report, the World Bank makes a powerful case for shifting the tax burden from indirect to direct as a necessary measure to ensure socio-economic justice and to maintain growth momentum. The Bank points out that the January 2024 VAT increase from 13% to 15% and removal of all VAT exemptions (including on books) increased poverty by 2.2%. Reliance on indirect taxes has become a structural constraint on revenue mobilisation and poses direct risks to post-crisis recovery by reducing purchasing power and consumer demand of poorer Lankans. Its favoured solutions include a 15% minimum effective tax rate on all companies, domestic and international, and a greater focus on improving compliance by high earners. (Incidentally countries like France and the UK adopt innovative methods to achieve this aim, such as checking social media accounts for lifestyle details and satellite imagery about expensive building renovations.)

A recent article in Lanka News Web quotes an investment banker, “This budget will show whether the government can push through reforms that shift the tax burden onto those best able to pay or whether it will buckle under political pressure and return to old patterns of borrowing and austerity.” The article also quotes former Inland Revenue official Kalyani Dahanayake and economist Deshan de Mel, both advocating wealth and inheritance taxes. The recent asset declarations of ministers and parliamentarians might explain, at least to some extent, the NPP’s curious reluctance to even broach the subject of increasing direct taxation and why wealth and inheritance taxes might not be implemented under its watch.

In a delicious irony, the supposedly arch capitalist Ranil Wickremesinghe was far more willing to take the political class on in the matter of taxation. Sri Lanka’s reliance on indirect taxation decreased under his watch from 76.7% in 2021 to 66.5% in 2023. But the imbalance is projected to return and the share on indirect taxes is expected to go above 75% in the next three years. As the World Bank warns, indirect taxes have already reduced the purchasing power of pensioners and public sector workers causing a “deterioration in living conditions for the most vulnerable groups…” The situation is no better for those holding low to middle level employees in the private sector (garment factory workers are a prime example) and those in the gig economy.

If the poverty and affordability crises worsen and the wealth and the pay gaps widen, public mood will darken, a danger point for any democracy. As American left wing commentator Hasan Piker pointed out (in relation to the assassination of American right wing political activist Charlie Kirk), “Everything seems unaffordable. Everything seems worse than it was for the previous generation. I think that is what we have to solve. If we don’t that, people are going to continue to grow frustrated and angry. People are resentful. People are more malleable, more susceptible to radicalisation and they more willing to act out in a violent manner when they feel like there’s no hope, there’s no other option (Politico – 11.9.2015).

And the world

Tommy Robinson (birth name Stephen Yaxley-Lennon) was the kind of right wing activist no one in the British political scene took seriously for years. That was until an American tech billionaire gave him a total makeover, including a new set of teeth. The fairy godfather billionaire who transformed Tommy Robinson from caricature to “respectable” citizen-journalist was Robert Shillman, a Zionist whose statue is adorns the grounds of Israeli Institute of Technology.

In 2024, the duly remade Mr. Robinson became a force behind UK anti-immigrant riots. This month, he was the man behind the Unite the Kingdom rally which drew over 110,000 people. Police were attacked and the government was threatened. Elon Musk, addressing the crowd via a video-link, called for the dissolution of parliament and alluded to the inevitability of a civil war. “You are in a fundamental situation here where violence is coming to you,” he said. “You either fight back or you die. You either fight back or you die. That’s the truth.”

After 2024 riots, Dr Andreas Krieg, a senior lecturer at the School of Security Studies at King’s College, London warned, “The arsonists are also now trying to be firefighters. Those who invented the broad-brush scarecrow of ‘Islamist’ to smear Muslims in civil society writ large are as much to blame as their financiers in Israel, UAE, Russia et al and the thugs now acting on it”. “Israel injects the venom of hate and Islamophobia into civil-societal discourse in Europe to undermine scrutiny of what it is doing in Palestine…” he warned again in July 7 2024. At the Unite the Kingdom rally, Tommy Robinson warned of a conspiracy to replace Europeans with non-Europeans in Europe via migration, and to make Europe Muslim.

In Sri Lanka, we’ve had birth rate theory (Tamils and Muslims) and conversion theory (Christians). For us replacement theory is new because we don’t have migrant issue. Now that toxin too is being introduced to the national bloodstream by Sinhala Ravaya. This week, its national organiser made the wholly fabricated claim that the NPP government is bringing Palestinian refugees to Sri Lanka in enough numbers to change our demographics. In a video with the incendiary title of Is the government mad to bring Gaza/Palestinian terrorists here? he said, “We are telling the government not to try to change the demographics of Lanka by bringing such people here. We know that Rohingya migrants are entering this country from one side and Tamil migrants from another side. And we see that (the government) is getting ready to create an unnecessary problem by bringing Palestinian refugees here. With that, we can see that this government is trying to artificially change the demographics of this country. This government has been accused of doing politics with the money of Muslim nationals and Muslim hajiyars and that they continue to business with extremist organisations. Those charges are being proven beyond doubt with this attempt to artificially change the demographics… We can see that people in this government take money from extremists and are trying to turn this country into a Muslims country, that they are trying to take revenge from Sinhala people… We are warning the government not to artificially change demographics by bringing these extremists and terrorists into the country, thereby creating clashes with Sinhalese.” It is perhaps material that Sinhala Ravaya is being cultivated by the Israeli lobby in Sri Lanka, and its national organiser was included in the recent “journalists” junket to Israel.

This week, the report on Digana riot was publicised by the Human Rights Commission detailing how Sinhala-Buddhist extremist elements used a road accident to set off a violent attack on Muslims. When socio-economic pains reach unbearable levels anything, starting with an incident of road rage, can ignite a violent outburst against this or that minority, with organisations like BBS and Sinhala Ravaya playing the role of fire-starters. That was why attempts to ignite anti-Muslim violence failed in 2016 and 2017 and succeeded spectacularly in 2018.

If the NPP/JVP government fails to adequately address the pain of the masses Tilvin Silva addressed in his rousing campaign finales, despair will set in. When voters feel cheated again and they are ready for the next pendulum swing, lies, however grotesquely silly, can be believed and violence, however irrational, can become possible.

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Civic Freedom Remains Repressed Despite Election Promises

Photo courtesy of Daily Mirror

The CIVICUS Monitor, a civil society platform tracking civic space around the world, has documented various violations of civic freedoms in Sri Lanka, including the targeting of human rights defenders, activists and journalists, efforts to control civil society, protests restrictions and the failure to support efforts to ensure accountability for violations during Sri Lanka’s 1983-2009 civil war, a media release from the organization said.

It called on the government to halt the continued harassment of activists and journalists and crackdown on protests. One year since President Anura Kumara Dissanayake came to power, there has been a failure to reform restrictive laws and to address accountability for past crimes, it pointed out.

These civic space violations are inconsistent with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which Sri Lanka ratified in 1980. The ICCPR imposes international obligations on the state to respect and protect civic freedoms, including freedoms of association, expression and peaceful assembly. These rights are also enshrined in Sri Lanka’s constitution.

During his campaign, Dissanayake made pledges in the NPP manifesto to address several longstanding human rights issues, promising to abolish all oppressive laws, ensure civil rights for people in all parts of Sri Lanka, repeal the draconian 1978 Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), remove abusive provisions of the Online Safety Act (OSA) and establish an independent Directorate of Public Prosecutions separate from the attorney general’s office. The NPP has also committed to dismantling the executive presidency that centralises excessive power in one individual, undermining democracy and parliamentary governance, the media release pointed out.

The state of civic space in Sri Lanka is rated as repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor. Over the last year, the CIVICUS Monitor has documented increasing regulations and onerous bureaucratic requirements for Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) to register and operate as a result of the militarisation of civilian administrative functions. Further, CSOs are closely monitored by intelligence services, particularly in the north and east where the civil war occurred.

Human rights defenders and activists continue to face intimidation and harassment, while journalists critical of the government, particularly those based in the north and on the east coast, are subjected to ongoing surveillance, harassment and intimidation by the police and military. There have also been restrictions and arrests of protesters.

“For a year now, the Dissanayake government has continued a troubling legacy of repression, erecting barriers to civil society, harassing those who defend human rights, and silencing critical voices in the media. This crackdown on freedoms must stop. The government must act now to protect the rights of activists and journalists and allow them to work without fear, interference, or retaliation,” said Josef Benedict, Asia researcher for CIVICUS.

CIVICUS is also alarmed by the failure to repeal or review restrictive laws to bring them in line with international law and standards. The notorious PTA has been used to target perceived opponents and minority communities without credible evidence, despite repeated pledges to end the practice. The OSA that is inconsistent with international human rights standards and has sparked fears among rights groups remains in force. This runs contrary to the promises made by the NPP during the presidential elections to abolish the act altogether.

The Dissanayake government has also failed to launch any credible accountability process into the crimes committed during the civil war despite overwhelming evidence gathered by the UN and human rights groups. Meanwhile, Tamil activists and victim communities continue to face repression and other violations for demanding justice and accountability, the media release said.

“The authorities must revise or repeal all laws to ensure they comply with the government’s commitment to civic freedoms under the ICCPR. It must also ensure accountability for crimes during the civil war and order all agencies to immediately end all forms of reprisals against representatives of civil society, human rights defenders, journalists, victims and their families, mobilising for justice and accountability.” added Benedict.

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From Parliament to Platforms: How Sri Lanka’s Women Leaders Face Digital Violence

Photo courtesy of Prime Minister’s Office

On September 10, 2025 MP Prasad Siriwardena from the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) made a sexist remark against MP Lakmali Premachandra from the National People’s Power (NPP) during a parliamentary debate. Although he later apologized, such comments are becoming increasingly common during heated parliamentary exchanges. This is especially troubling given that the current parliament includes the highest number of women representatives in Sri Lanka’s history.

Siriwardena’s remarks reflected deeply rooted patriarchal attitudes that reduce women to their appearance. Despite Premachandra’s status as an elected official, she was publicly mocked for not being as attractive as other women. His earlier comment, which implied that beautiful women provide certain services to male MPs including the president, was highly derogatory. When Premachandra challenged him, the response she received implied she was jealous for not being considered one of those “beautiful women.” Statements like “you are not beautiful enough” and “are you jealous?” reveal the misogyny behind such attacks. They undermine women’s political agency by objectifying them and pitting them against one another based on looks.

The November 2024 parliamentary elections and the May 2025 local authority elections marked a notable shift in women’s political participation. The number of women in parliament increased from 13 to 22 with nearly all of them being newcomers. Additionally 1,957 women, representing 24.8% of those elected, secured seats in local councils. This progress occurred against the backdrop of the local authority elections being postponed and growing public debate over the relevance and implementation of the women’s quota.

Notably, a significant number of these women are young and politically unaffiliated, signaling a shift away from traditional political pathways often dominated by family dynasties. This rise in women’s political representation is particularly remarkable given that many of the newly elected women did not rely on established political families or male relatives to enter the political arena, thereby challenging longstanding norms of dynastic politics in the region. However, despite these encouraging strides toward democratic inclusivity and gender equity, this progress has not come without significant challenges and costs.

As their visibility in politics has increased, so too has the volume of gender-based abuse, particularly online. Organizations such as the Mannar Women’s Development Federation (MWDF) and Women’s Action Network (WAN) have documented a sharp rise in digital harassment ranging from sexualized insults to coordinated disinformation campaigns targeting these women during the election cycles. These are not critiques of policy or performance but deeply misogynistic attacks meant to humiliate, silence and de-legitimize women leaders, with online discourse often obsessing over their appearance, clothing, personal lives or relationships rather than their political work.

Digital smear campaigns

Across the country, women politicians during the last parliament election have faced coordinated smear campaigns:

  • Ms. Mithilaichelvi Sripathmanathan (Tamil Makkal Kootani) was publicly mocked by rival Dr. Ramanathan Archchuna, who filmed himself tearing her flyer, mixing it with food and pretending to eat it. A disturbing act of symbolic domination shared with over 90,000 followers.
  • Ms. Umachandraa Pragash (SJB) was falsely linked to a prostitution ring through TikTok and viral videos. Despite complaints to cybercrime authorities, the content remains online. This highlights platform inaction.
  • Dr. Kaushalya Ariyarathne (National Peoples’ Power) was dragged into a fabricated romantic scandal via a blurred image where only she was recognizable. The male MP remained unnamed, showing the gendered double standard in smear tacticscausing significant reputational damage to the first time woman legislator.

 Weaponizing religion and ethnicity and transphobia in politics

Ms. Hasanah Cegu Issadeen, a legal researcher and women’s rights activist, faced a brutal backlash after being appointed private secretary to Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya. Her long standing advocacy for Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act (MMDA) reform calling for child marriage bans and equal divorce rights was distorted into accusations of undermining Islam. She was targeted via WhatsApp forwards and memes accusing her of being a Western pawn and fabricating a relationship with the prime minister.

Ms. Saroja Paulraj, Minister of Women and Child Affairs, advocating for MMDA reform, was labelled Islamophobic by religious leaders and online mobs. Despite factual accuracy, she was forced to apologize many times which proves that truth is often no shield for women challenging patriarchal norms.

Kumar Hettiarachchi wrote a poem sexualizing Ambika Samuel, a rising up country Tamil politician. Beneath literary language, the poem fetishized Ambika’s body, identity and her community’s suffering while turning her political leadership into an object of male fantasy. Her work to challenge caste, gender and ethnic inequality was thus overshadowed by poetic predation.

Ms. Chanu Nimesha, Sri Lanka’s first openly transgender general election candidate (Socialist Party), has faced relentless transphobic and homophobic abuse. While initially celebrated, she soon became the subject of hate due to the country’s laws still criminalizing same-sex relations and lacking protections for gender identity. Her campaign highlighted the triple marginalization of being transgender, female-presenting and politically active.

Sri Lankan women in politics are held to harsher standards than their male counterparts. While men boast of power and performance, women are questioned about their attire, relationships or simply for being outspoken. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya has been attacked for not dressing “like a dignified Sri Lankan woman,” with critics implying she should wear a saree, revealing the narrow mold women are still expected to fit.

The inadequacy of content moderation

Social media platforms like Meta have not been supportive in removing posts attacking public figures and women politicians even after local moderators spend time translating and giving context to the disinformation and the harm caused by it. Social media platforms have thresholds for how their content is prioritized in content moderation in which politicians have to meet a very high threshold as they are public figures and are open to public criticism. Due to this high threshold, the way the community guidelines are applied and interpreted in the moderation will differ.

Despite having strong rules for hate speech and disinformation, during an election period the rules of engagement changes as the platforms prioritize moderating harmful content that has the potential to influence the outcome of the elections. This lack of expedience shown in moderating harmful content fails to respond and affect local women who aimed to contest for the first time in the parliamentary elections as well as established women politicians. While platforms will continue to profit off harmful content because it gets reshared and thus has increased engagement, ultimately the cost of this is born by a woman who loses an election campaign. This is why the presence of safe online spaces is vital to advance their movement in the political sphere.

What needs to change

Many women who face sexual attacks on social media often shut down their accounts or go completely offline. This is the strategy many are advised to follow. However, some victims of online gender-based attacks have instead found ways to turn such experiences into opportunities for resistance, especially after receiving no support from social media giants and tech advisors to take the content down.

One such case is that of Ms. Swasthika Arulingam where women’s rights activists collectively countered a sexualized social media attack on her and shut down her attacker. Dr. Ramanathan Aruchchuna had been angered by a post in which Ms. Arulingam criticised the silence in parliament after he used his parliamentary privilege to refer to another woman as a “prostitute.” He then targeted Arulingam with online sexual abuse, assuming society would accept it. Interestingly, women around her rejected this and held him accountable through online solidarity posts.

Speaking about it, she said, “I believe the attacks against me had to stop because women stood up for another woman and refused to allow a member of parliament to sexually degrade someone online. If more women receive the same solidarity I did, I think more women will come forward into politics, knowing they have the support of their sisters.”

The Election Commission, social media platforms, tech companies and mainstream media must address this imbalance. Content in Sinhala and Tamil often slips through moderation filters, allowing harmful posts to go viral. Women leaders are forced to resort to legal action, a slow and insufficient remedy against viral hate and sexism.

A well-known Tamil female political candidate said, “I have noticed that Tamil-speaking women often show solidarity, even when the issue unfolds in Sinhala. But when the roles are reversed, some Sinhala-speaking women say they didn’t understand because the attack was in Tamil and leave it at that. It’s a quiet imbalance worth reflecting on.”

This division between women in public spaces must be addressed. It stems from long standing political divides nurtured by parties that capitalized on ethnic and linguistic fault lines. It is time women’s groups and rights activists collectively counter attacks on women politicians and political candidates regardless of party affiliation or background.

Through a series of reports by MWDF and WAN, some urgent reforms have been called for including:

  • Gender sensitive reporting desks at the Election Commission
  • Local language moderators trained in gender issues for social media platforms
  • Updated cyber laws that criminalize online sexual harassment and disinformation
  • Media responsibility to focus on women’s policy and political contributions
  • Public education on digital literacy and gender equity

Towards real inclusion

The year 2025 may be remembered as a breakthrough for women’s political representation at various levels. However, without protection and meaningful participation, representation alone remains merely symbolic. True political inclusion is only possible when both online and offline spaces are safe for women to lead, speak and govern without fear of abuse. If democracy is to thrive, all voices must be heard, including women’s, not merely as numbers in parliament or local bodies but as leaders with equal power, respect and freedom.

During election periods, women in Sri Lankan politics are especially vulnerable to targeted disinformation and sexualized online abuse designed to discredit and silence them. These attacks, often overlooked by digital platforms and political institutions, force many women out of public life, weakening democratic representation. When such disinformation is allowed to persist without consequence, it not only distorts the public narrative but also creates a chilling effect that robs women of continuity in political engagement, ultimately denying them their rightful voice and place in governance.

The post From Parliament to Platforms: How Sri Lanka’s Women Leaders Face Digital Violence first appeared on Groundviews.

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Easter Sunday carnage Will probing Pillayan’s period in prison lead to more clues?

When the prison guards at the Batticaloa Prison, who were on duty on April 21, 2019, panicked after a bomb exploded in close proximity to the prison assuming that terrorism raised its ugly head, Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillayan, who was an inmate in prison at that time, had assured them that it was not a terrorist attack, but a suicide attack, Daily Mirror sources reveal. The explosion referred to is the suicide bombing at Zion church

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LIOC dealers blow fumes as commission margins are slashed

Petroleum dealers of Lanka Indian Oil Company PLC (LIOC) are up in arms against its management for the failure to ‘raise the dealer commission’ that was pruned, despite gaining profits in billions of rupees annually. Following the new scheme implemented by the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) to withdraw the 3% dealer margin, paid over the past several years as and when the retail price was determined, LIOC too followed suit although the other

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Renovation of MR’s official residence No proof to show Govt. procurement guidelines were followed during purchases through Lanka Building Materials Corporation Limited

Credible information as to how public funds have been misappropriated from the entire Mahinda Rajapaksa official residence renovation project has now reached this newspaper, following the Right to Information Commission’s stern order to the contractor- Lanka Building Materials Corporation Limited- to release the requested details to the Daily Mirror newspaper.

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Renovation of MR’s official residence State authorities in hot water for violating DM’s RTI request

The Right to Information Commission is to initiate legal action against the Information Officer and the Public Authority of the state owned Lanka Building Materials Corporation Limited for non-complying with the order delivered by them to release information to the Daily Mirror Newspaper on the renovation and modernisation of the official residence of Mahinda Rajapaksa- the Prime Minister/ Fifth Executive President at No: 117, Wijerama Mawatha, C

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Is Kotte MC selling reclaimed land by bending the law?

At the end of 16th Lane on Ananda Balika Mawatha in Pita Kotte, a marshland originally designated for drainage purposes has been gradually reclaimed. Sri Jayawardenepura Kotte Municipal Council has constructed a 10-foot-wide road through a nearby children’s park leading to this reclaimed land. Despite protests from local residents, the council has proceeded with plans to build the 10-foot-wide road to reach this reclaimed marshland. Additionally,

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